10 Facts About Ornithomimus, the Bird Mimic Dinosaur

The Nature of Women Portrayed by Circe and Calypso in The...

The Nature of Women Portrayed by Circe and Calypso in The Odyssey In Homers composition, The Odyssey, the roles women play are very significant. The best examples of the true nature of women occur when Odysseus encounters Circe and Calypso. These two characters illustrate the thoughts and feelings of how women how a woman feels and how they think. As the quote states, Circe and Calypso illustrate how women really can be crafty, intelligent, sneaky, disloyal, and cruel. In contrast to battles with men, Cyclops, or animals, sexual battles with women are sometimes much more difficult to win. These two female characters are especially enticing to Odysseus because they are goddesses. Though it is evident that Odysseus longs to return†¦show more content†¦This time spent on Circes island was a test of whether he could resist lust from a goddess, and he fails. At first it appears as though the only reason Odysseus sleeps with Circe is to regain his companions, but she easily persuades them to stay. What makes it worse is the fact that Odysseus is not even the first one ready to go. His men are the ones who urge him to leave: What ails you now? It is time to think about our own country (Book X, line 472). At a glance, it appears that Odysseus is merely succumbing to Circes schemes for reasons related to their health and well being, if we read between the lines, we soon begin to realize that Odysseus is weak in the voracious hands of lust. Odysseus arrives on Calypsos island in her cave. At first, it seems like Odysseus doesnt seem much to mind her taking care of him, but over time it is plainly evident that he is unhappy with her. When Hermes arrives on Calypsos island to give her the message from Zeus to release Odysseus, he is bawling on the beach-- a daylong activity for him. Calypso is holding him with her by force; she has no companions to help him back to Ithaca, nor has she a ship to send him in. Athena pleads with Zeus to give Odysseus good fortune,Show MoreRelatedRole of Women in the Odyssey1201 Words   |  5 PagesThe Role of Women in The Odyssey The Odyssey, by Homer, is an epic poem based on the story of an ancient Greek hero, Odysseus, and his twenty year journey—ten years spent fighting in the Trojan War and the other ten spent traveling home. In the poem, Homer presents the theme of the role and nature of women. Men were the dominant gender in ancient Greece, and women, who were inferior, were only valued for their beauty and their ability to reproduce. However, in this poem, Homer both exemplifiesRead MoreEssay on Deceptive Females of Homers Odyssey1613 Words   |  7 PagesThe Deceptive Females of Homers Odyssey      Ã‚   Homers Odyssey is probably the most famous and well-known epic of all time. This tale relates the adventures of the archetypal hero, Odysseus. Odysseus long journey home takes him to many different places where he encounters many different monsters and creatures, but there are certain recurrent elements throughout. The most common themes in the Odyssey are forgetfulness, willingness to risk pain for pleasure, and sexual temptation.    Read More The Cunning and Deceitful Women of Homer’s Odyssey Essay1483 Words   |  6 Pages The Cunning and Deceitful Women of Homer’s Odyssey One of the most famous works from the early Greek era is Homer’s Odyssey. It details the journey home of a war hero, Odysseus. His homecoming entails many adventures, each presented as a separate episode that he must overcome. Though the varied episodes differ in terms of characters and settings, most are based on similar patterns of plot and theme. The themes that are most emphasized are forgetfulness, a willingness to risk pain for pleasureRead MoreThe Odyssey As A Great Hero2558 Words   |  11 Pages Throughout the Odyssey Odysseus’ plays the â€Å"godlike† hero which set the standards for values and traits of the Homeric Greek man. Using his cunning intellect and valiant heroism to finds his way home after many trials and tribulations. During his travel home Odysseus gains knowledge about other peoples culture and about different lands throughout Greece. He learns from his own suffering and the mistakes he had made. Odysseus started his journey as the King of Ithaca and the warrior of all warriorsRead More A Comparison of the Role of Women in Homer’s Odyssey and Iliad3375 Words   |  14 PagesThe Role of Women in Odyssey and The Iliad The Iliad and Odyssey present different ideals of women, and the goddesses, who are presented as ideal women, differ between the two epics. The difference in roles is largely dependent on power, and relations to men, as well as sexual desirability and activity. The goddesses have a major role in both epics as Helpers of men. They have varied reasons for this.   One is a maternal instinct. This is displayed in the literal mother-son relationshipsRead MoreAnalysis Of The Epic Of Gilgamesh And Odyssey Essay1548 Words   |  7 PagesSumerians and Akkadians and the Odyssey from Homer of the Greeks. We all can agree that these epic poems or at most the authors did not view women with our modern perspective – equality among gender. However, we cannot deny that female characters helped set the path of the epic heroes’ journey to their goals. In these epic poems, women are portrayed as figures and themes of knowledge, motherhood, seduction. These themes and figures are shaped through interaction between women and heroes. These epic heroesRead MoreExplain The Influence Of Homers Odyssey On Margaret Atwood2018 Words   |  9 PagesExplain the influence of Homer’s Odyssey on Margaret Atwood. Margaret Atwood said that after reading The Odyssey she had two questions; â€Å"what led to the hanging of the maids and what was Penelope really up to?†. In writing The Penelopiad, she felt she was able to answer those questions. The Odyssey is from Odysseus’ point of view, recorded by Homer, but is not the only version of the story as it was mainly handed down through generations orally, which can lead to details being changed. She wanted

Importance of Internal Control- Free-Samples-Myassignmenthlep

Question: Discuss about the Importance of Internal Control, Earnings Management, Concept on Valuation of Inventories and recording of Non-Current assets etc. Answer: Introduction This report will address to the concerns shown by the partners about the business including brief discussion on the importance of internal control, earnings management, concept on valuation of inventories and recording of non-current assets etc. This report will further include the explanation of current ratio, gross profit margin and inventory ratio. Importance Of Internal Control Internal control is the method for affirming the attainment of the entitys goals in operational efficiency and effectiveness, recording of financial reports in reliable manner and ensuring the compliance with rules, laws and regulations. In simple terms, internal control means everything that reduces the risks to an entity. Further it can be said that it improves the quality of recognising of financial records and also the chances of fraud, error, mismanagement etc. are reduced to minimum because transactions recorded by one individual supposed to be verified by another individual. No individual has full control on any transactions (Doyle, Ge and McVay, 2007). E Ferguson (partner) concerned about the preparation of bank reconciliation every month. It can be said that statement of bank reconciliation is prepared so that continuous cash flow movements is observed and also to detect the mistakes in the financial records of the entity because cash is most susceptible asset. Hence, incorporating Internal control system in accounting department (in this case, preparation of BRS) helps in minimising frauds and errors to the entity. Thus, the concern shown by the partner is not correct. Earnings Management It means using of practices to generate accounting records that presents overlay view of the companys financial performance to the stakeholders. Earnings management takes the benefit of how accounting rules are applied and reports the financial statements that bloat assets or revenues (Bergstresser and Philippon, 2006). Valuation Of Inventories Inventories are also called as stock and it means the quantity of goods held by the company at the end of the reporting period. Inventories are the major current assets of the company and therefore proper valuation of inventories are necessary to declare the correct financial reports. If the inventory valuation is not correctly done, then the revenues and expenses are not equal and thus the company could not make wise decisions. The 2 methods for valuation for inventory are: Perpetual inventory system: This system records every sale and also makes an entry in account of inventory. Further this system also records reduced inventory as and when sale takes place and adds the inventory as and when the buyer returns the goods. In simple terms, every transaction is recorded. Thus using of this method to value inventory, the company knows the clear picture of their investment in inventories. Periodic inventory system: This method is totally opposite to perpetual inventory system because in this system entry for COGS is not recorded only the selling of inventory is recorded in revenue account. Thus, daily tracking of inventory is not possible in this case. E Ferguson (partner) concerned about that the perpetual inventory system does not depict financial statements in positive light. Thus, I would suggest to E Ferguson that inventory valuation based on perpetual system is very good because it clearly depicts the true picture about the flow of the inventory and also financial statements is accurately prepared which is beneficial for the users of the financial statements. Accounting Standard Guidelines For Recording Non-Current Assets Non-current assets are those assets which will bring economic benefits to the company and their cost is also measured reliably (AASB, 2010). The accounting treatment of Non-Current Assets are given under AASB-116 of Property, plant and Equipment. As per paragraph 15, An asset shall be recognised at its cost. In paragraph 16, cost of non-current assets composed of the following items: Purchase cost including rates and taxes after subtracting rebates and discounts. Costs which will incurred to bringing the asset into working condition such as: initial handling and delivery charges including training and testing charges, freights, installation cost and cost to reorganise inventory department. Thus, in this case, E Ferguson (partner) concerned about the costs which will be capitalised in the machinery costs and the costs which will be expensed. According to question, the cost of the machinery comprises of: Total Cost of the machinery: Particulars Amount ($) Purchase Price 20, 000 less: trade Discount 3, 000 17, 000 Add: Freight 2, 200 Installation costs 650 Initial training costs 570 Initial testing costs 500 Cost to reorganise inventory department 6, 000 Machinery Costs to be capitalised 26, 920 Interpretation Of Current Ratio Current ratio is a part of liquidity ratio in which liquidity performance of the company is identified. This ratio is computed just to evaluate the current obligations met by company when they fall outstanding. Ideally this ratio must be 2:1 which denotes that current assets must be twice the current liabilities. The formula for current ratio is: Current assets/Current Liabilities (Saleem and Rehman, 2011). In this question, current ratio is equal to $ 17.39 which depicts that the liquidity performance of the company is sound as compare to their competitors who reported $1.60. Interpretation Of Gross Profit Percentage This ratio determines the percentage of return available on revenue from day to day operations. Higher GP ratio depicts better business performance. It is expressed in percentage terms and it is computed as follows: GP/revenues (Gill, Biger and Mathur, 2010). In this question, GP ratio is equal to 61.44% which depicts that the business performance of the company is sound as compare to their competitors who reported 48%. Interpretation Of Inventory Ratio This ratio depicts the rapidity of the inventory to convert into revenues. Higher ratio denotes the inventory is retailing very swiftly. In simple terms it can be said as higher ratio implies the efficiently usage of the inventory by the company (Koumanakos, 2008). In this question, inventory ratio is equal to 144.5 days which depicts that the inventory of the company is effectively utilised as compare to their competitors References Bergstresser, D. and Philippon, T., 2006, CEO incentives and earnings management, Journal of financial economics, vol.80, no.3, pp.511-529. Doyle, J., Ge, W. and McVay, S., 2007, Determinants of weaknesses in internal control over financial reporting, Journal of accounting and Economics, vol.44, no.1, pp.193-223. Saleem, Q. and Rehman, R.U., 2011, Impacts of liquidity ratios on profitability, Interdisciplinary Journal of Research in Business, vol.1, no.7, pp.95-98. Gill, A., Biger, N. and Mathur, N., 2010, The relationship between working capital management and profitability: Evidence from the United States, Business and economics journal, vol.10, no.1, pp.1-9. Koumanakos, D.P., 2008, The effect of inventory management on firm performance, International journal of productivity and performance management, vol.57, no.5, pp.355-369. AASB, 2010, AASB 116: Property, Plant and Equipment, viewed on 13 June 2017 from https://www.aasb.gov.au/admin/file/content102/c3/AASB116_07-04_ERDRjun10_07-09.pdf.

Indian South African History free essay sample

INDIAN SOUTH AFRICAN HISTORY 1860 1960 Indians arrived in South Africa in 1860 and, at the time of this writing, have been in the country for over 140 years. That would make about five generations born in the country. 1860 1914 Brought to the British colony of Natal in1860 as indentured labourers, coolies, on five-year contracts, Indians came to work mainly on sugar plantations where they lived under very harsh and cruel conditions. After five years, they were given the options of renewing their contracts, returning to India or becoming independent workers. To induce the coolies into second terms, the colonial government of Natal promised grants of land on expiry of contracts. But the colony did not honour this agreement and only about fifty people received plots. Nevertheless, many opted for freedom and became small holders, market gardeners, fishermen, domestic servants, waiters or coal miners. Some left the colony. By the 1870s, free Indians were exploring opportunities in the Cape Colony, the Orange Free State and the South African Republic (Transvaal). Those who sought to make their fortunes in the diamond and gold fields were not allowed digging rights and became traders, hawkers and workers. Continued importation of indentured labour until 1911, though sporadic, encouraged opportunistic traders and merchants from India and Mauritius to emigrate to South Africa. These independent immigrants, known as passenger Indians, began arriving in the country from about 1875. Many of them quickly acquired land and set up businesses and trading posts. When their enterprises began to encroach on white settlements, laws and regulations were passed to limit their expansion and acquisition of land. Immigrants living in the Republics, unlike those in the British colony of Natal, were not enfranchised and were not welcome in the Republics and laws were passed to contain their growth and development. The Transvaals onerous Act 3 of 1885, debarred them from owning land and confined them to locations. But passenger Indians, who believed that as British subjects, they were entitled to the protection of the crown, were not afraid to enter into litigation. As early as the 1880s, Indian merchants in the Transvaal were petitioning the government and challenging its laws in the courts. They sent a petition to the government protesting Act 3 of 1885 and when it was ignored, took their protest to the British High Commissioner. When this failed as well, Ismail Suliman ; Co. challenged Act 3 in the courts in August 1888. Before that, in June 1888, Indian merchants had protested against curfew regulations on the grounds that they were not African. So before Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi arrived in South Africa in 1893, Indians were actively involved in litigation against governments. In Natal, the merchant elite, under the leadership of a very wealthy ship owner, Sheth Dada Abdulla had established an Ad-Hoc Committee to deal with restrictive legislation. When the Sheth became involved in a legal battle with his cousin, Sheth Tyeb Haji Khan Muhammed, an equally influential leader amongst Indians in the Transvaal, he wrote to a law firm in India and MK Gandhi, a barrister, was sent to South Africa to deal with the matter. He arrived in 1893 and dealt very competently with the suit, bringing it to arbitration and reconciling the cousins. After the case, the local merchants, realising the value of a lawyer in their midst, prevailed upon Gandhi to stay in South Africa to give proper legal direction to their activities. He agreed and through his involvement with this group, began to learn of the problems facing Indians in the country. In 1894, Gandhi became the secretary of the merchants Ad Hoc Committee, gave it a new name, the Natal Indian Congress, and set about challenging legislation aimed at disempowering Indians. He organised meetings and petitions to stop the Bills, but the Franchise Act, which disenfranchised all Indians, was passed in 1894, and Law 17, which imposed a poll tax on free Indians, was passed in 1895. Act 17, the most onerous of laws passed in Natal, imposed a ? 3 poll tax, about six months earnings, on free (ex-indentured) Indians. In 1903, it was extended to children as well. It was hoped that to escape the tax, free Indians would either leave for other parts of the country or return to India. As the governments of the Republics of the Transvaal and Orange Free State and the Cape Colony were restricting entry of Indians into their areas of jurisdiction, many free Indians had no choice but to endure the burdensome poll tax. Gandhi appealed to the British Government and was successful in getting the Franchise Act overturned. But when Gandhi went back to India in 1896 to canvass support from the Indian National Congress, the Indian Government and influential individuals, the Franchise Amendment Act of 1896 was passed and Indians in Natal were disenfranchised once more. When the South African Boer) War broke out in 1899, Gandhi formed the Indian Volunteer Ambulance Corps to serve British troops, as he believed that Indians owed their loyalty to the Empire. He was from India, a British colony, had been educated in Britain, and believed that such efforts would win proper recognition of Indians as British subjects. He made a similar effort with his Indian Stretcher Bearer Corps d uring the Bambatha (Zulu) Rebellion in 1906. Ironically, Zulus at that time were reacting to a poll tax that had been imposed on them by the Natal government, which was still enforcing the poll tax on Indians. Gandhis stretcher corps was assigned to caring for wounded Zulus. During the South African (Boer) War, the majority of Indians left the Transvaal and sought refuge in Natal, the Cape Colony and India. After the war, the new British Military Authority that had replaced the government of the Transvaal Republic, put obstacles in the way of returning refugees by making re-entry subject to permits and passed an ordinance to enforce the provisions of Act 3 of 1885   to segregate the Asiatics into locations for residence and trade, to refuse licences except in the Asiatic Bazaars and to make the licences of pre-war Asiatic traders non-transferable. [2]  Ã‚   Gandhi, who had left for India at the end of 1901, returned the following year to assist the Transvaal Indians. In 1904, he set up the Transvaal British Indian Association (forerunner of the Transvaal Indian Congress), held meetings and sent off petitions as he had done in Natal. He also became editor of the newspaper, Indian Opinio n, established in 1903 as the organ of the Natal and the Transvaal Congresses. After a few years, British Military governance gave way to colonial rule in the Transvaal and the new government under General Smuts, began debate on the Asiatic Law Amendment Bill (The Black Act), which proposed the registration and fingerprinting of Indians, who would be required to carry registration certificates (similar to passes) at all times. This law, which raised great indignation amongst Indians, led to many mass meetings and at the one held at the Empire Theatre in Johannesburg, Gandhi introduced the idea of satyagraha engagement in non-cooperative, non-violent action and sacrifice and when the Black Act was passed, there was an almost total boycott of the registration procedures. Gandhi was imprisoned, then ordered to leave the colony and imprisoned again when he refused. Smuts was obliged to enter into negotiations with him and together they agreed on he withdrawal of the Act and voluntary registration. In good faith, Gandhi led the Indians in registering but the Act was not repealed. A passive resistance campaign was organised and registration certificates were publicly burnt in the grounds of the Hamidia mosque in Johannesburg. In 1908, in defiance of the Transvaal Immigration Restriction Act which barred all non-resident Indians from entering the Transvaal without permits, Gandhi led a protest march from Natal across the Transvaal border, was arrested and sent to prison while about sixty others were deported to India. In 1909, during negotiations for the establishment of the Union of South Africa, Gandhi, at the head of a delegation of Indians, took the demand for the repeal of anti-Asiatic laws to London. The delegation was unsuccessful and when South Africa became a Union in 1910, there could be no further recourse to British intervention. Gandhi then set up Tolstoy Farm on land donated by Hermann Kallenbach, an admirer of Leo Tolstoy, a follower of Gandhi and a satyagrahi. The farm was established with a view to training an army of non-violent volunteers.    Many activists took their families and went to live on the farm for the next three years. In 1913, they were given an opportunity to put their training as satyagrahis into action as a result of: 1. The Immigrants Regulation Act, No 22 of 1913, which put an end to Indian immigration and restricted Indian entry into provinces not of their domicile. (There were no Indians in the Orange Free State which, in 1891, had expelled Indian residents and prohibited Indian entry altogether. ) 2. A judgement by Justice Malcolm Searle in March 1913 in the Cape division of the Supreme Court that rendered all marriages conducted according to Hindu or Muslim rites invalid because these religions allow polygamy. So Gandhi planned a Satyagraha campaign that included women for the first time and even allowed them the initiative. Their resistance first took the form of hawking without licences, and then crossing the provincial border without permits, but these efforts did not get them arrested. When they were taken to the coalmines in Newcastle where they brought the coalminers out on strike against the poll tax, they were at last arrested. While they were in prison, Gandhi led the striking miners and others across the Natal border into the Transvaal. During the march Gandhi was arrested three times at various towns along the way and released twice. He was in jail when the marchers reached Balfour just before Heidelberg, where they were all arrested. The coalminers were put on trains, sent back to the mines, forced down shafts and severely flogged. Their compounds became prison camps. Though Gandhi and many marchers had been arrested and imprisoned, the protests did not stop as people in other parts of the country came out on strike and began marching. When white railway workers on the Witwatersrand went on strike, Gandhi put an end to the satyagraha campaign as it was not be confused with the railway strike. General Smuts met with Gandhi and their deliberations led to the Indian Relief Act of 1914, which repealed the poll tax on free Indians in Natal, recognised Hindu and Muslim marriages and abolished the registration and finger-printing requirements of the Black Act of 1907. But major issues such as restrictions on land ownership, trading rights, immigration and movement between provinces remained unresolved and resistance would continue for many decades to come. In 1914, Gandhi left South Africa to begin his work in India. His legacy to South Africans was the strategy of non-violent non-cooperation (satyagraha) and belief in that strategy sustained mass protests until the demise of apartheid. After 1914 Indians continue their struggle. Very soon (after Gandhis departure) renewed friction developed under existing restrictive laws. Thus, in the Transvaal, Indians discovered that it was possible to evade the Gold Law and Townships Act of 1908 by establishing businesses under the Transvaal Companies Act of 1909, and to evade Law 3 of 1885, respecting ownership of property, by registering it in the names of companies, which was declared lawful by the courts in 1916 and confirmed on appeal in 1920. The number of Indian private companies in the Transvaal grew from three in 1913 to 103 in 1916. As a result a South Africans League under Sir Abe Bailey was formed in 1919 for the expropriation of Indians. An anti-Asiatic League congress met in Pretoria in September that year, attended by twenty-six local authorities, thirty chambers of commerce, nine agricultural societies, twelve religious congregations and forty trade unions. Their recommendations led to the Transvaal Asiatic Land and Trading Amendment Act of 1919 that exempted Indians with businesses in mining areas if they still occupied the sites, but prohibited th e ownership of fixed property by companies in which one or more Asians had a controlling interest.    These measures, attempts to segregate Indians and curb their economic viability, led to clashes between South African Representatives and Indian Representatives at Imperial Conferences in London. Dr Srinivasa Sastri (1921) and Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru (1923), representatives of the Indian Government demanded fair treatment for Indians but as General Smuts saw it, this was   a question of the white mans position in society, and in the last resort of his continuing presence in Southern Africa.   Ã‚   Smuts regarded the granting of rights to Indians as the thin end of the wedge that would open the way to rights for the African majority. The Asiatic Land and Trading Amendment Act of 1919 and other restrictive measures led to the amalgamation of the Natal, Transvaal and Cape congresses into the South African Indian Congress; Indians were no longer dealing with disparate governments an d needed a national organisation to deal with a national government. The South African Indian Congress made appeals to the Union Government, The Indian National Congress and the British Government and prominent Indians (from India), notably Srinivasa Sastri, Tej Bahadur Sapru and Mrs Sarojini Naidu. When the South African Party (SAP) under General Smuts was defeated in the 1924 elections, the PACT government under JBM Hertzog came into power. During its term of office, the SAP had pushed for segregation and separate development but Hertzogs government wanted Indians out of the country altogether. It negotiated with Strinivasa Sastri, Sarojini Naidu (president of the Indian National Congress) and others who came over on fact-finding missions. At round table discussions, held from 27 December 1926 to 11 January 1927, between a deputation from India and the PACT Government, the Cape Town Agreement was drawn up. It recommended a scheme of subsidised repatriation that reflected the PACT Governments wishes and did little to alleviate the position of Indian South Africans. The Agreement also approved the appointment of an Indian Agent to mediate between Indian South Africans nd the South African Government. Between 1927 and 1948, a number of Indian Agents were appointed. Srinivasa Sastri, appointed in 1927, was the first. Then came Sir Kurma Reddi, Sir Syed Raza Ali, Sir Kunwar Maharaj Singh and Sir Rama Rau, all eminent, erudite leaders from India. The South African Indian community in general revered them all and was very proud to welcome them but young radical political activists repudiated them. These youthful members of the Congresses condemned these Agents for their ineffectiveness, their inability to address real issues and their readiness to compromise. As the young lions believed that their future was in their own hands, not in the hands of Indian Agents or collaborators, they began to advocate the strategy of non-violent, non-cooperation (satyagraha) to protest against the land and trade restrictions embodied in the Transvaal Asiatic Land Tenure Act of 1932, amended in 1934, 35, 36, 37, and replaced by the Asiatics (Transvaal Land and Trading) Acts of 1939 and 1941, the Trading and Occupation Land Bill (Pegging Act) 1943, and the Asiatic Land Tenure and Indian Representation Act (Ghetto Act) of 1946. Despite the many laws instituted from 1885 to confine and repress Indian endeavour, Indians had expanded their trade and ownership of land into areas not specifically designated for them because laws, especially under the colonies and republics, had not been strictly applied. For example, under the provisions of the Transvaal Company Act of 1909, they had been able to form limited companies and purchase land. They had taken advantage of loopholes: the appointment of nominees in whose names they could acquire property, and marriage to white and Malay women, who were allowed to own property. The latter development led to laws against miscegenation and mixed marriages, which were probably more economic than racist measures. The late 1930s and early forties was a period of internal struggle in the congresses and the young radicals eventually emerged victorious. In 1945, Dr Yusuf Dadoo took over the leadership of the Congress in the Transvaal and Dr G. M. Naicker became the leader in Natal. In 1946, after Smuts government passed the Ghetto Act, the Congresses embarked on a massive passive resistance campaign and over 2000 men and women were imprisoned. Though the campaign did not achieve the desired goals, it helped to amalgamate people of all races in the struggle for human rights. In March 1947, the Doctors Pact, a Joint Declaration of Co-operation, was signed by Dr Naicker of the NIC, Dr Dadoo of the TIC and Dr Xuma of the ANC. Under Apartheid In 1948, the Nationalist Government came into power and began to formalise the separate development policy that had been in the making since the time of Van Riebeeck. Its apartheid laws brought all oppressed people together in the struggle for freedom. In the 1950s enduring links were established through the Defiance Campaign of 1952, the Congress of the People in 1955, the Womens March in 1956 and the Treason Trial, 1956 1961 and the Indian community as a whole began to lose its myopic grasp of oppression in South Africa. In 1911, with the Colonial Born Indian Association, there had been an incipient understanding of a new identity. This grew stronger in the 1920s and 30s when young radical leaders began to take over the Congresses, but it was only in the 1950s that Indians, in general, came to an acceptance of themselves as South Africans. It had taken ninety years to evolve to this point. At the beginning, Indians had been totally self-absorbed partly because they were immigrants but mostly because anti-Indian legislation had kept their focus firmly fixed on their own condition. Ironically, it was apartheid that gave them the freedom to break out of narrow cultural confines. Before 1948, legislative acts had not really taken on a national character and were still, for the most part, enactments for separate states and separate groups. This had kept oppressed communities in distinct compartments and each had focused on its own problems. With the advent of formal apartheid, legislation cut across provincial barriers and made people aware that new, unequivocal statements of separate development, among them the Population Registration Act, The Group Areas Act and The Separate Amenities Act, affected them all. And they became South Africans. Indian Slaves In South Africa – Indian African History INDIAN SLAVES IN SOUTH AFRICA A little-known aspect of Indian-South African relations Soon after Jan van Riebeeck set up a Dutch settlement at the Cape of Good Hope in 1652, to supply provisions to Dutch ships plying to and from India nd the East Indies, people from India were taken to the Cape and sold into slavery to do domestic work for the settlers, as well the dirty and hard work on the farms. A woman from Bengal named Mary was bought for van Riebeeck in Batavia in 1653. Two years later, in 1655, van Riebeeck purchased, from the Commander of a Dutch ship returning from Asia to Holland, a family from Bengal – D omingo and Angela and their three children. On May 21, 1656, the marriage was solemnised at the Cape between Jan Wouters, a white, and Catherine of Bengal who was liberated from slavery. Later in the year Anton Muller was given permission to marry Domingo Elvingh, a woman from Bengal. From then until late eighteenth century when the import of slaves from Asia was prohibited, many hundreds, if not thousands, of persons from India – mainly Bengal, Coromandel Coast and Kerala – were taken to the Cape and sold into slavery. Officers of ships and officials of the Dutch India Company returning to Holland usually took slaves or servants with them and sold them at high profit in the Cape. Slaves could not be taken to Holland where slavery was prohibited). Many others were carried by Danish and British ships. While most of the Indians were taken from Dutch trading posts in India, a considerable number were also taken from Batavia as thousands of Indians had been taken by the Dutch as slaves to Batavia. South African, American, British and other scholars have conducted painstaking research into the archives in the Cape – records of the deeds office, courts , churches etc. – and have brought out several studies on slavery in the Cape. They contain extensive, though far from complete, information on transactions in human beings, the conditions of slavery and resistance of the slaves. The archives indicate that Mary, the first known Indian slave, was found in bed with a constable, Willem Cornelis, in 1660. He was fined and dismissed from his post but she was apparently not punished. Van Riebeeck and his family probably took her with them when they moved to Batavia in 1662. Jan Wouters was transferred to Batavia soon after his marriage to Catherine. There is no information on Anton Muller. Van Riebeeck sold Angela, who had taken care of his children, to Abraham Gabbema, his deputy and law officer. Gabbema granted freedom to Angela and her three children before he departed for Batavia in 1666, except that she was required to work for six months in the home of Thomas Christoffel Muller. She integrated easily into the white community even while continuing relations with her friends who were still in slavery. She asked for and obtained a plot of land in the Table Valley in February 1667. Next year she obtained a slave from Malabar on hire. In 1669 she married Arnoldus Willemsz Basson, with whom she had three children. Her daughter from the first marriage also married a Dutchman. When her husband died in 1689, Angela took charge of the estate which had a considerable value when she died in 1720. Some of these early slaves – especially women from Bengal who were acquired by senior officials of the Dutch India Company for domestic work – were relatively fortunate. The great majority of those enslaved in the Cape, however, lived under miserable conditions. The researches in the past three decades – by Anna Boeseken, Margaret Cairns, Achmat Davids, Richard Elphick, H. F. Heese, J. Hoge, Robert Ross, Robert Shell, Nigel Worden and others – destroy several myths that had been prevalent – for instance, that slavery had little economic importance in the Cape, that the treatment of slaves, especially Asian slaves, was benign, that Asian slaves were mostly from Indonesia etc. The number of slaves exceeded the number of white settlers by early 18th century and they did the hard work of developing the land. Most of the Asian slaves worked on the farms and were treated as cruelly as the Africans. There were almost as many, if not more, slaves from India as from Indonesia. Places of Origin The slaves were almost invariably given Christian names but their places of origin were indicated in the records of sales and other documents so that it is possible to get an idea of the ratio of slaves from different regions – Africa (mainly Guinea and Madagascar) and Asia (India, Indonesia, Sri Lanka). Frank R. Bradlow put together available information from various scholarly studies on the places of origin of the slaves and free blacks between 1658 and early nineteenth century. The information is very incomplete after 1700 and covers only a little over three thousand persons. The figures were as follows: Place of origin Number Percent Africa 875 26. 65 India 1195 36. 40 Indonesia 1033 31. 47 Sri Lanka 102 3. 10 Malaya 16 0. 49 Mauritius 6 0. 18 Other and unidentified 56 1. 71 Total 3283 100. 00 (Note: The number from India includes those from Bangladesh) Source: Frank R. Bradlow and Margaret Cairns, The Early Cape Muslims, page 102 If these figures are representative, over 70 percent of the foreign-born slaves in the Cape came from Asia, and more than a third from India. Of those from India, the following is a more detailed breakdown: Bengal (including Bihar and Orissa) 498 Coromandel Coast (especially Trancquebar, Tuticorin, Nagapatnam, Pulicat and Masulipatnam) 271 Malabar Coast (including Goa, Bombay and Surat) 378 Other 36 Source: Ibid. The slaves were, however, dispersed and lost their identity in the course of time. The Indians became part of the â€Å"Malay† community – so called as Malayo-Portuguese was the lingua franca in the Asian ports at that time – and their descendants later came to be identified as â€Å"Cape Malays† (Cape Muslims) as the Muslim community expanded. Kidnapping South African scholars, with little access to sources or contacts with scholars in India, have tended to make some errors in their conclusions. They assume, for instance, that the Asian slaves had been purchased from the â€Å"slave markets† or â€Å"slave societies† in Asia. Many of those sold in the Cape, however, had not been slaves at all in India, but domestic servants, bonded or otherwise. The Reverend William Wright, a missionary in the Cape of Good Hope in the 1830`s, wrote of the slaves: â€Å"Some are natives of Bengal and other parts of India, who came to the colony as free servants, and were bartered or given away to the colonists. † In fact, there is reason to believe that many of the slaves – far too many of them were children, even less than ten years old – had been kidnapped in India. Warren Hastings, the British Governor-General of India, wrote in a Minute on May 17, 1947: â€Å"†¦ the practice of stealing children from their parents and selling them for slaves, has long prevailed in this country, and has greatly increased since the establishment of the English Government in it†¦ Numbers of children are conveyed out of the country on the Dutch and specially the French vessels†¦Ã¢â‚¬  In 1706, a Dutch political prisoner, Jacob van der Heiden, was confined in a dungeon in Cape Town with Ari, an Indian slave charged with serious offences. He found that Ari had been kidnapped as a child while playing with other children on the Surat beach. He had been sold from one master to another and had been treated so harshly that he had run away. He joined other fugitive slaves and lived on stolen food until he was caught. He escaped torture and persecution because of the intercession of the Dutchman. Brutal oppression and the spirit of freedom Individual slaves ran away from the harsh conditions on the farms and lived as fugitives. Most of them were caught: they were flogged, branded and sentenced to hard labour in chains. At least two attempts were made at mass rebellion. The most remarkable was on October 27, 1808, when hundreds of slaves, including many from India, rebelled and joined a peaceful march from Swartland (near Malmesbury) toward Cape Town to demand freedom. The government sent troops and over 300 were captured. To avoid wider repercussions, it eventually charged only the leaders of the resistance. Two accounts from court records show the harsh punishments to which the slaves were subjected and their spirit of freedom. In 1739, Cupido, a slave from Malabar, threatened his mistress with a knife to force her to listen to his story. He said he resented the work and the lack of freedom which he had enjoyed in his own country. He wished to commit suicide as that was the only way he could obtain freedom and deprive his owner of his possession. Cupido was overcome before he could stab himself, and broken alive on the wheel, thus being subjected to slow death. Alexander, from Bengal, ran away and was captured in the 1730`s. He was flogged, branded, pilloried under the gallows and sentenced to 25 years of hard labour in chains. He managed to escape and was captured again in 1737. He was broken on the wheel after eight pieces of flesh were pulled out from him with red-hot tongs. Miscegenation Sexual relations between whites and Asian slaves were quite common in the 17th and 18th centuries, and several studies show that half or more of the children of slave women had white fathers. Many white settlers married or lived with Asian women and their children were accepted in the white community. Marriages between the Dutch and slave women were prohibited in 1685 but persons of mixed parentage were allowed to marry anyone, including the white settlers. Inter-racial marriages, in fact, increased from that time. J. A. Heese, in Die Herkoms van die Afrikaner 1657-1867, presented the results of research from parish registers and other sources on the ancestors of the Afrikaners. He found that between 1660 and 1705, 191 of the settlers from Germany married or lived with women who were not pure blood Europeans. Of the women, 114 were born in the Cape (most probably mixed), 29 were Bengalis and 43 were from other Asian regions. He estimated that in 1807, between 7. 2 and 10. percent of the ancestors of the then living Afrikaner population were Africans and Asians. His figures were perhaps inevitably conservative. It may well be that a tenth of the present Afrikaner population has Indian ancestry. Asian ancestry was not considered unusual. The mother of Simon van der Stel, the most prominent Governor of the Cape in the 17th century, after whom Stellenbosch is named, was Maria Lievens, daughter of a Dutch captain in Batavia and an Asian woma n. The Reverend M. C. Vos, a prominent clergyman in the 18th century, mentioned in his autobiography his Asian ancestry without any comment. Need for research by Indian scholars It is a pity that there has been hardly any research by scholars in India on the export of Indians to slavery in Indonesia and South Africa, long before labourers were sent into semi-slave conditions in Natal as indentured labour from 1860 to 1911. That has left a serious gap in Indian history. A study of the slave trade is also important to appreciate the contribution of Indians to the building of South Africa: the descendants of the slaves may well outnumber the million people now known as Indian South Africans. Indians played an important role in the spread of Islam in South Africa: the first mosque in Cape Town was established early in the 19th century by Imam Frans and Imam Achmat, both from Bengal. The Indians contributed to the origin of the Afrikaans language which was created by slaves and the Coloured (mixed) people: the oldest book in Afrikaans was a Muslim religious text published in 1856. It is also important to appreciate the historic blood relationship between the Indian and Coloured communities whom apartheid has tried to separate – and the significance of resistance by slaves in the history of the freedom movement in South Africa. The Afrikaners must be helped to shed the false notions of race purity and superiority if the hopes for a new non-racial and democratic South Africa are to be fulfilled. I hope that with the changes now taking place in South Africa, Indian and South African historians will cooperate in producing an authoritative study of the transport of Indians into slavery in South Africa and their contribution to the development of South Africa. From: http://www. anc. org. za/ancdocs/history/solidarity/indiasa3. html The Indian Origin community in South Africa| HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: 1. The major part of the Indian community, which has retained a distinct ethnic sub-identity, came to South Africa between 1860 and 1911 as indentured farm labour to serve as field hands and mill operatives in the sugar and other agricultural plantations of Natal (which was then a British colony). Although they were given the opportunity to return home on completion of their contracts, most preferred to stay on, either as farmers on crown land in Natal or as petty businessmen. . Most of the initial migrants were drawn from what is today Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh with some from eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. A second wave of Indians came after 1880. These were the â€Å"passenger Indians† – so-called because they paid their fares as passengers on board steamships bound for South Africa. This was the community of traders mainly from Gujarat. POPULATION, REGIONAL LINGUISTIC DISTRIBUTION 3. The South African Indian origin community currently numbers around 1. 15 million and constitutes about 2. % of South Africa’s total population of 45. 45 million. About 80% of the Indian community lives in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, about 15% in the Gauteng (previously Transvaal) area and the remaining 5% in the Cape Town area. In KwaZulu-Natal, the major concentration of the Indian population is in Durban. The largest concentrations of Indian settlement are at Chatsworth, Phoenix, Tongaat and Stanger in the Durban Coastal area, which covers approximately 500,000 of the Indian origin community. Pietermaritzburg – noted for its link with Mahatma Gandhi has a community of approximately 200,000. 4. Smaller inland towns in KwaZulu Natal such as Ladysmith, Newcastle, Dundee and Glencoe make up the bulk of the remaining Indian population. In the Gauteng area, the Indian community is largely concentrated around Lenasia outside Johannesburg and Laudium and other suburbs outside Pretoria. There are also smaller groups in towns in the Eastern Cape and other provinces. Settlement of Indian origin people in a particular area, as with other South African peoples, came about as a result of the Group Areas Act that forced racial division into particular designated areas. 5. According to the figures provided by the Department of Education and Culture, in the Province of KwaZulu-Natal, the linguistic break-up of the Indian community is as follows: Tamil 51%, Hindi 30%, Gujarati 7%, Telugu 6%, Urdu 5% and others 1%. 6. The language issue is of more emotional and cultural significance than a practical one as 98% of the Indian community in South Africa considers English their home language. However, community organisations make some commendable efforts to teach Indian languages to children at school levels and to maintain university level language courses at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. Indeed many local Indian origin people speak Afrikaans, having been taught it throughout their schooling and some because of business and other interactions with the local people. The preponderance of English over Indian vernaculars is also as a result of the state education received by Indian origin learners, which precluded languages other than English and Afrikaans. IMMIGRATION LAWS AFFECTING THE DIASPORA 7. Although Indians came to South Africa in the 1860’s, it was not until over a century later (in 1961), that they were granted the status of full citizens. While their status changed, they were subject to the same discrimination as the rest of the Black people of South Africa. Post-1994, they are treated like any other South African and have afforded most of the benefits reserved for previously disadvantaged people. | | | POLITICAL ROLE: 8. Traditionally, progressive South African Indian leaders led the fight against apartheid. Beginning with Mahatma Gandhi during his 21-year stay in South Africa, it was valiantly followed by Dr Yusuf Dadoo, Dr Monty Naicker and others. The Natal Indian Congress, which was founded by Gandhi, also successfully led the move to boycott the tricameral and racist elections in 1984 and together with the Transvaal Indian Congress, participated actively in the United Democratic Front and its struggle against the racist regime, during the years in which the ruling African National Congress was banned and in exile. Their contribution has always been acknowledged by leaders such as Nelson Mandela, Oliver Tambo and President Thabo Mbeki. The Natal Indian Congress played a significant role when the African National Congress (ANC) was banned in 1960, but was subsequently dissolved in the 1990s when the ANC was unbanned. However, the Natal Indian Congress and its leaders, George Sewpersad, Pravin Gordhan, Dr Kesavaloo Goonam and Ela Gandhi, amongst others, had served the struggle for the liberation of South Africa unflinchingly. 9. After the 1999 elections, of the 400 National Assembly MPs, 41 were of Indian origin. The Speaker was of Indian origin as were four Cabinet ministers and two deputy ministers. In the current Assembly, there are 25 Indian-origin MPs, one Cabinet Minister and three Deputy Ministers. Given that Indians represent less than 2. 5% of the overall population in South Africa, people were chosen on the basis of their ability, their activism and their contributions rather than their ethnic origin, in keeping with the non-racial ethic of African National Congress rule. 10. In the province of KwaZulu-Natal where there is maximum concentration of South Africans of Indian origin, one Indian-origin Minister has been inducted into the 11-member Cabinet. In the 80-member Provincial Legislature there are six members of Indian origin, excluding the one Minister. For the first time in the province of Free State there is one member in the Provincial Legislature of Indian origin. Ironically, during apartheid rule people of Indian origin were not allowed to spend more than 24-hours in the province, let alone settling there or setting up businesses. LINKS WITH INDIA: 11. In common with other large long-established overseas Indian communities, South African Indians have a deep emotional bond with their mother culture. Having been the unfortunate victims of the severing of ties with their motherland due to international sanctions against the apartheid state, they have warmly welcomed re-establishment of diplomatic, sporting, cultural and trade relations. Many community organisations want closer religious, cultural and educational ties. They are interested in visiting India to rediscover their roots and for tourism and trade. They are also eager to start interacting with other overseas Indian communities with whom their ties also suffered as a result of the apartheid rule. 12. The community participates actively in the celebration of National Day by the Indian missions in Pretoria, Johannesburg, Durban and Cape Town. Diwali is celebrated as a big public function in Durban as well as in Lenasia, Laudium and other areas where Indian communities reside. There are a large number of community organizations, which are working to propagate their cultural and linguistic traditions. 13. To sum up, the Indian origin community in South Africa is one of the largest such communities in the world, and one of the oldest, and has had an honourable and acknowledged role in the liberation struggle with strong emotional and cultural bonds with the country of their origin, and while they may have concerns about their future, like all minorities, are proud of being South Africans. | | Indian slaves in South Africa Soon after Jan van Riebeeck set up a Dutch settlement at the Cape of Good Hope in 1652, to supply provisions to Dutch ships plying to and from India and the East Indies, people from India were taken to the Cape and sold into slavery to do domestic work for the settlers, as well the dirty and hard work on the farms. A woman from Bengal named Mary was bought for van Riebeeck in Batavia in 1653. Two years later, in 1655, van Riebeeck purchased, from the Commander of a Dutch ship returning from Asia to Holland, a family from Bengal – Domingo and Angela and their three children. On May 21, 1656, the marriage was solemnised at the Cape between Jan Wouters, a white, and Catherine of Bengal who was liberated from slavery. Later in the year Anton Muller was given permission to marry Domingo Elvingh, a woman from Bengal. From then until late eighteenth century when the import of slaves from Asia was prohibited, many hundreds, if not thousands, of persons from India – mainly Bengal, Coromandel Coast and Kerala – were taken to the Cape and sold into slavery. Officers of ships and officials of the Dutch India Company returning to Holland usually took slaves or servants with them and sold them at high profit in the Cape. Slaves could not be taken to Holland where slavery was prohibited). Many others were carried by Danish and British ships. While most of the Indians were taken from Dutch trading posts in India, a considerable number were also taken from Batavia as thousands of Indians had been taken by the Dutch as slaves to Batavia. South African, Amer ican, British and other scholars have conducted painstaking research into the archives in the Cape – records of the deeds office, courts, churches etc. – and have brought out several studies on slavery in the Cape. They contain extensive, though far from complete, information on transactions in human beings, the conditions of slavery and resistance of the slaves. The archives indicate that Mary, the first known Indian slave, was found in bed with a constable, Willem Cornelis, in 1660. He was fined and dismissed from his post but she was apparently not punished. Van Riebeeck and his family probably took her with them when they moved to Batavia in 1662. Jan Wouters was transferred to Batavia soon after his marriage to Catherine. There is no information on Anton Muller. Van Riebeeck sold Angela, who had taken care of his children, to Abraham Gabbema, his deputy and law officer. Gabbema granted freedom to Angela and her three children before he departed for Batavia in 1666, except that she was required to work for six months in the home of Thomas Christoffel Muller. She integrated easily into the white community even while continuing relations with her friends who were still in slavery. She asked for and obtained a plot of land in the Table Valley in February 1667. Next year she obtained a slave from Malabar on hire. In 1669 she married Arnoldus Willemsz Basson, with whom she had three children. Her daughter from the first marriage also married a Dutchman. When her husband died in 1689, Angela took charge of the estate which had a considerable value when she died in 1720. Some of these early slaves – especially women from Bengal who were acquired by senior officials of the Dutch India Company for domestic work – were relatively fortunate. The great majority of those enslaved in the Cape, however, lived under miserable conditions. The researches in the past three decades – by Anna Boeseken, Margaret Cairns, Achmat Davids, Richard Elphick, H. F. Heese, J. Hoge, Robert Ross, Robert Shell, Nigel Worden and others – destroy several myths that had been prevalent – for instance, that slavery had little economic importance in the Cape, that the treatment of slaves, especially Asian slaves, was benign, that Asian slaves were mostly from Indonesia etc. The number of slaves exceeded the number of white settlers by early 18th century and they did the hard work of developing the land. Most of the Asian slaves worked on the farms and were treated as cruelly as the Africans. There were almost as many, if not more, slaves from India as from Indonesia. The first Indentured Indians arrived on the Truro, a paddle steamer from Madras, on November 17,1860. The second ship arrived soon afterwards from Calcutta; this was the ship Belvidera which reached Port Natal on November 26, 1860. After this ships arrived regularly until July 14, 1866 when the Isabella Hercus arrived from Madras. No immigrants were sent to Natal from India between 1867 and 1874 partly because Natal was suffering from economic depression in the last years of the 1860s and, when this lifted, the Government of India required some of the conditions under which Indians were employed to be reviewed. The first returning immigrants, sailing on the Red Riding Hood in January 1871,and on the Umvoti shortly afterwards, complained about some of the conditions under which they lived and worked in Natal. They complained particularly about the ? 10 bonus that had not been paid to them despite the promise they claimed had been made to them when they were indentured. The colonial government then set up a Commission of Enquiry under the chairmanship of the attorney-general M. H. Gallwey. The report of this Commission, which became known as the Coolie Commission, was published in 1872. Once new regulations were promulgated the Government of India allowed recruitment to take place again. Emigration began again in 1874 and continued without interruption until July 21,1911 when Umlazi 43 brought the last immigrants to Natal before the termination of the indentured labour system by the Government of India. Ships could accommodate between 300 and 700 migrants and altogether a total of 152,184 men, women and children were transported. Of these two thirds of the immigrants were from Madras and one third from Calcutta. Each shipment was expected to include 40 women for every 100 men but in many cases there were far fewer than 40 women and sometimes as few as 25. It has always been assumed that exactly 152,184 individuals arrived in Natal as indentured immigrants. A study of the Shipping lists, however, reveals that a few numbers were never allocated, and a number of immigrants who returned to India were recruited again, often with their friends and members of their families, and were given new colonial numbers when they came back. Some of these were known to be returning immigrants and their names were endorsed with R of N (Resident of Natal) but many others seem to have said nothing about the earlier period in Natal and were given completely new numbers. There is no way of discovering how many of these returning immigrants there were but certainly there were fewer first time immigrants than was formerly thought. There were also men and women who had originally indentured for work in other colonies, completed their period of indenture and then volunteered for Natal; their names are endorsed R of S (Surinam), R of F (Fiji) etc. Other British colonies who imported Indian labour were Mauritius, Trinidad, Jamaica, British Guiana, St Lucia and Grenada; the French islands of Reunion, Martinique, and Guadelope, together with St Croix, also took advantage of indentured labour from India. Initially the demand in Natal was for agricultural labour for the farms and estates; gradually this changed and by the 1880s it was railway workers that were needed to extend the railway line from Port Natal to the interior. By the 1890s the coal mines in Northern Natal were calling for labour as were the rapidly developing sugar estates along the north and south coasts. By 1904, when Zululand was opened up, the planting of sugar began in the Amatikulu district and around Empangeni and Indian labour was needed there. In addition a small group of indentured men, known as Special Servants, were brought in from Madras to work in hotels and clubs, as grooms and waiters, laundrymen and carriage drivers and as gardeners and aiyas (nursemaids) in private residences. These skilled people were recruited in Madras for a particular employer, were paid higher wages and enjoyed better conditions Pietermaritzburg is the capital and second largest city in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. It was founded in 1838, and is currently governed by the Msunduzi Local Municipality. Its purist Zulu name is umGungundlovu, and this is the name used for the district municipality. Pietermaritzburg is popularly called Maritzburg in English and Zulu alike, and often informally abbreviated to PMB. It is a regionally important industrial hub, producing aluminium, timber and dairy products. It is home to many schools and tertiary education institutions, including a campus of the University of KwaZulu-Natal. It had a population of 228,549 in 1991, the estimated current population is around 500,000 (including neighbouring townships) and has one of the largest population of Indian South Africans in South Africa. Pictures BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. bbc. com 2. hindu heritage. com 3. Britannica online Table of Contents 1860 19141 After 19145 Under Apartheid8 Indian Slaves In South Africa – Indian African History9 Indian slaves in South Africa17 pictures†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦20-24 BIBLIOGRAPHY25 NAME: JEETESH BEHARILAL GRADE: 12A SUBJECT: HISTORY –â€Å"HERITAGE PROJECT† INDIAN HERITAGE PROJECT

Soft drinks supply chain Essay Example

Soft drinks supply chain Paper At present time though, changes have already been made in the aforementioned Candler’s formula including. With corn syrup now used as a sweetener instead of sugar, its packaging also evolved with the changing demands of the consumers. Today, far from the original sodas of the drug store’s soda fountains, carbonated soft drinks are packaged for sale in various containers, such as aluminum or tin cans, plastic bottles, and glass bottles. The company also released a ‘New Coke’ formula on April 23, 1985, but it did not do well to those accustomed to the old Coca-Cola flavor so the old formula was reinstated. Coca-Cola’s success and popularity can be attributed to Asa Candler’s aggressive marketing of Coca-Cola. Together with Coca-Cola’s success, the demand for syrup sales increased. The company sells syrup to independent bottling companies which have been given license to sell the soft drink. Nowadays, Coca-Cola soft drinks that are being consumed each day rise up to 9 digit figures (Bellis, 2007). Pepsi-Cola In 1898, Caleb Bradham, a pharmacist in North Carolina, had a soda fountain in his drugstore. This is where he served his customers refreshing drinks: carbonated water mixed with medicinal and flavorful ingredients which he himself chose. What he termed as ‘Brad’s drink’ became his infamous drink in his soda fountain. The ingredients of the said drink were sugar, carbonated water, rare oils, pepsin, cola nuts and vanilla. He created the drink back in 1893 (Bellis, 2007). This particular concoction is to become ‘Pepsi Cola’ in 1898. It was renamed after the key ingredients, pepsin and cola nuts. In that same year, Bradham purchased from a competitor that went bankrupt the trade name ‘Pep Cola’ at the price of 100 US dollars. In June of 1903, the name Pepsi Cola was first introduced and trademarked. We will write a custom essay sample on Soft drinks supply chain specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Soft drinks supply chain specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Soft drinks supply chain specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer It was Bradham’s neighbor who took the job of designing the first ever logo of Pepsi Cola. Business was successful until he gambled on the fluctuations of sugar prices during World War I resulting in the bankrupt of Pepsi Cola in 1923. The year 1931 saw to the transfer of Pepsi Cola ownership to the ‘Loft Candy Company’. The then company president Charles G. Guth changed the Pepsi Cola formula. However, this change made it difficult for Guth to make Pepsi Cola a winner in the industry so he resorted to selling Pepsi Cola to the Coca-Cola Company, but to no avail. 1940 saw to the creation of Pepsi Cola history because it was at that time when the first commercial jingle, entitled ‘Nickel Nickel’, was made and aired throughout the United States of America (Bellis, 2007). Like its competitor, Coca-Cola, changes were introduced in Pepsi Cola. In 1964, ‘Diet Pepsi’ was offered in the market. For over two hundred years, the art of producing carbonated beverages has developed resulting in its various forms that were intended to respond to the needs of its customers. Through its evolution, it has covered various economies of the nation’s industries as key sources of materials and services in the manufacturing of soft drinks. This meant that as the soft drink industry grew, the other industries in the soft drink supply chain grew as well. These industries in the supply chain are the manufacturers of artificial sweetening agent, edible acids, natural or artificial flavors, and other key ingredients that the industry needs in its manufacture of soft drinks. Machinery and packaging services also benefited from the soft drink industry’s success. In the face of the challenges of conforming to the ever changing needs of the customers throughout its history, the soft drink industry have introduced different packagings, from glass bottles with corresponding cork crowns, soft drink cartons called ‘Hom-Paks’ in the 1920’s, aluminum cans, plastic bottles and today, the use of PET (Polyethylene Terephthalate) bottles. Also together with these changes, the manufacturers of soft drinks amended their syrup mixture to surmount the rising cost of its key materials. Major changes were made on its sweetening agents to counter the rising cost of sugar and to conform to consumer’s approval. From Saccharin to Nutra-Sweet, now corn syrup replaced sugar as an ingredient to soft drinks.

Henry 2 essays

Henry 2 essays Henry II was the first of eight Plantagenet kings. He neither ignored his island kingdom nor dragged it into continental trouble. Along with Alfred, Edward I, and Elizabeth I, Henry II ranks as one of the best British monarchs. Henry II was born in Le Mans, France in 1133. Geoffrey Plantagenet, Count of Anjou, and Matilda, daughter of Henry I, were his parents. Henrys younger brothers were Geoffrey and William (Bingham 22; Tabuteau 185). Henrys father gave Henry the best education possible at that time. Peter of Saintes, who was a well-known poet, was Henrys first tutor. Adelard of Bath also taught Henry. William of Conches and Henrys other previous tutors instilled in Henry the appreciation for literature. Soon after Henry IIs education, he became Duke of Normandy. With the death of his father, Henry II became the Count of Anjou at age eighteen. Once he became Count of Anjou, Henry married Eleanor of Aquitaine on May 18, 1152, in the Cathedral of Poitiers. Their children were William, Henry, Matilda, Richard, Geoffrey, Eleanor, Joan, and John (Bingham 22; Henry 835-836; Tabuteau 185). Once Stephen, who was a well-known king, died, Henry II became lord of all land between the Pyrenees and Scotland (Henry 835). Henry had to deal with problems as soon as he became king. Once the Danish kingdoms established themselves in Ireland, the Danish colonists were at war with Irish people and the Irish people were at war with themselves. King Henry II realized he needed to stop all the chaos with a conquest of Ireland. In a few months, every part of Ireland except Connaught was under King Henry IIs control. The regions that the British controlled slowly dwindled away and soon vanished (Larned 114-115). Even though Henry II was a king, he did not resemble a king. He had a freckled face, gray eyes, and tawny hair. He also had a very short temper. At times, King Henry II would ...

Advertising Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 2

Advertising - Essay Example They used Spanish for Argentina market, English for US and German language for advertising in Germany, although rest of the Ad had the same symbols and logo throughout globally. The tag lines were entirely different as they were too solely tell the story about the particular country such as tagline or message for Argentina was â€Å"change the day, start within†, tagline for Germany â€Å"give (offer) yourself a break†, whereas for US market they opted tagline as â€Å"make the smart choice† Nescafe followed the emotional appeal for Germany and Argentina, and Ad had rational appeal for the United States market. For Argentina they show what would be one life without have a Nescafe coffee to start his/her day in a dramatic way with loads of vivid colors. For Germany campaign they drew the feeling of coolness, relaxing and calmness, they basic idea was to let know that after having Nescafe coffee they will be relaxed, this was clean and clear Ad, they showed a female is holding steaming Nescafe coffee mug. The coffee is sprinkled with the crushed coco bean or cinnamon with a brew down there. So it is not a busy Ad that will overpower the stimuli of viewer, this simply uses the psychological effect and an emotional appeal that those hands are of beautiful cool and calm mother who is relaxing after house chores or is back from office. As United States Ad is concern it was a rational ad campaign as it was in reference to an argument with Starbucks. It had to show that Nescafe is a better product. It just changed the copy and the mug, rest of the Ad was same with the message of â€Å"Make a Smart Choice†, jus to make sure viewer doesn’t jumble up with the Starbucks. Nescafe totally ruled with the global advertisement. All it need was a kick in fewer markets and they grew the financials. Nescafe have grown in different cultures and have advertised itself the way that particular country required.

EVALUATE THE EXTENT TO WHICH THE ORGANISATIONAL CULTURE WITHIN Dissertation

EVALUATE THE EXTENT TO WHICH THE ORGANISATIONAL CULTURE WITHIN FINANCIAL INSTITUTION(ASDA) LEAD TO THE GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS - Dissertation Example †¦...22 3.2 Limitations†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.23 3.3 Ethical Considerations†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..23 3.4 The Design of Questionnaires†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦24 4.0 Results and Findings†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..25-29 5.0 Discussion†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦...30-33 6.0 Conclusion and Recommendations†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.34-37 7.... ?†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.27 Figure 2: Relationship among ASDA’s Employees†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦..28 Table 1: Table 1: Employees’ Reasons for ASDA’s Near Bankruptcy in 1990s†¦.25 1.0 Introduction This paper critically addresses the impacts of organisational culture on performance of a financial institution (ASDA), and investigating how this culture could lead to global financial crisis. It must be stated at this earliest time that this paper dwells mainly on the Human Resources aspect of organisation culture; it highlights how employees of ASDA, based on their varying experiences, trainings, personal integrity and conformity to organisational policies, could cause a spiral global financial crisis. It is no longer a new phenomenon that organisational culture is a potent factor in determining the success of operations in a com pany (Schein, 2004). ASDA, a financial institution, also derives its efficiency from the realization that its human resources must be revamped in order to achieve optimum performance in credit and financial services (ASDA, 2010a). ASDA requires its array of employees to demonstrate high-quality professionalism so as to be able to discharge its statutory duty as a viable credit facilities’ institution (ASDA, 2010a). One important feature of ASDA that would not be overlooked in this study is it size, huge market reach, and the magnitude of the effect of its eventual collapse, in case there is a financial crisis. Big financial institutions like ASDA faces increasingly threat as it deals out its credit-issuing services to its many customers (Kidwell et al, 2000). However, for the purpose of clarity and concentration, this study only looks into the effect of organisational culture on the activities of ASDA as a

12 month Integrated Marketing Communication campaign for Nike Coursework

12 month Integrated Marketing Communication campaign for Nike - Coursework Example The business will sell Nike brand of products that it produces to ideal customers cover all classes of people (Joseph, Gregory and Thomas, 2011). The products stand unique in the market because of the affordable prices that they will be charged. The owners of the business are professionals in the industry; this was to ensure that their skills can as well be combined in the production exercise. The business has future projects of expanding its operations to the foreign markets and thereby expands the markets of the business to enable the business increase the sales to greater heights and then maximize on the profits. The marketing communication campaign is very much effective in the attracting and drawing of customers to the business, creating a good image of the business and therefore retaining the loyal customers whose loyalty had been won by the business. It is also important to highlight that this campaign is very much aware of the size of the market segment that is within the capture as well as the market segment it intends to sell Nike product to. The market knowledge is very crucial as a mistake made in the location of the target market is almost to near impossible in correcting (Terence and Craig, 2012). This paper delves in the discussion of Integrated Marketing Campaign, (IMC). This can be defined as the measure that the various firms use in attempt to achieve and reach the set targets, missions, goals and objectives that were put in place during the initial stages of planning. In this approach, it is therefore important to highlight that the techniques that will be used by the firms and business institutions are complementary in nature. This is because each method kind of gives another support in one way or the other and they can be used I place of the other as well since they are all geared towards one target. In this

Policies for Partnership Working in Health and Social Care

Policies for Partnership Working in Health and Social Care The partnership between health and social care services policies in UK Introduction For the past decade or so, the focus within health and social services has been on improving all-round services through partnership between different organisations. The aim of this has been to improve integration, efficiency and provide better care for all types of patients in the community. However, the policies involved in both health and social care services have not always allowed the partnerships to work as they should. Whilst there have been some successes and partnerships have improved integration and overall care, there have also been mistakes that in some cases have made things worse rather than better.[1] The aim of this essay is to track the development of the partnership between health and welfare services over the last ten years or so, and how effective this partnership has been. There will be a critical review of partnership policy, and a focused case study on the Sure Start partnership as an example of how partnerships between health and social services in the UK are fairing. The development of a partnership between health and welfare service The development of partnerships between health and welfare services has been a critical focus of New Labour policy over the last ten years. However, these terms are often not defined particularly well and are therefore fairly difficult to analyse. The problem is that collaboration and partnership between the organisations is difficult in light of different cultures and power relationships within the professions.[2] However, this has not stopped attempts by New Labour to create partnerships between health and social care through various initiatives and policies. It was in 1999 that the government set out its radical NHS Plan that promised to transform the way in which health and social services interacted. The development of Care Trusts meant that health and social services would be dealt with by a singular organisation in certain areas for the first time. The main focus of the changes being on child services, service for the elderly and mental health services.[3] The first problem of developing partnerships was to overcome the difficulties and issues between new staff committed to the partnership and older staff who had worked in the organisations as separate entities. The UK Centres of Excellence funded by the DfES were created in an effort to combine high quality services in one place. These then led to specific Children’s Centres. The idea was to combine disciplines of health and social care in one arena as a focus on a specific group of individuals – in this case families and children.[4] The focus for many of the partnership policies and initiatives has been on children, families and the elderly in an effort to provide better integrated care for these groups. One of the biggest developments within partnerships between health care and social care has been to empower those who use the services in an effort to smooth over integration. The idea is that with user participation these organisations will better understand how to work as a partnership to help the needs of the user. If the users can help to shape service standards, then differences between the organisations will be reduced and effective partnership will be increased.[5] The idea behind this is also to manage internal diversity within the country as a society and the diversity within organisations so that these different parts can work together more easily.[6] The partnerships and their success are looked at in two ways. Firstly, how well the partners can work together to address mutual aims, and also how service delivery and effects on health and well-being of service users has been improved.[7] The focus of policy has been on inter-organisational partnerships between health and social care, rather than focusing on individual professionals working together between organisations. The development should be seen as ‘NHS working with DfES/DCSF’ rather than ‘GP’s, doctors and nurses working with social workers’.[8] The biggest shift has been the creation of the Primary Care Groups and Care Trusts which are responsible for the welfare of healthcare services in the community. These organisations are being encouraged to work with social services so that intermediate care can be provided, hospital waiting lists can be cut and the roots of issues can be sorted rather than merely the outcomes being treated. The formation of Care Trusts that try to combine health and social services in one organisation has been somewhat hit and miss in the UK.[9] The next section will critically examine these policies. Critical review of partnership policy One of the biggest problems with these policies is that many of the terms used are extremely vague and it is hard to evaluate their effectiveness. ‘Partnership’ is not accurately defined by most of the policies, and this leaves the concept open to interpretation.[10] The concept of user participation and feedback within the policy is also rather poorly defined, and this means that the effectiveness of user participation to bring together health and social services tools is rarely monitored.[11] There needs to be more feedback for users on their participation within these organisations, and the participation of users needs to be tied directly into policy to improve partnerships.[12] The term ‘culture’ is also given importance in the policies because it determines how the organisations work together in the partnership and work with users of the services. However, studies have shown this term has not been given a universal meaning and local organisations have given the term different meanings. This leads to inconsistent services and fluctuating success within a partnership.[13] However, there have been some benefits of the increased user participation within health and social care partnerships. It has allowed users to gain more power within the relationship and in many ways help to self-manage their own needs more clearly. This is certainly the care within health and social care partnerships for the elderly community. Rather than being seen as a drain on resources, the older generation can now work with health and social services to maintain a higher quality of life and continually contribute to society. With health and social care working together in this way, the elderly community have better access to their needs as well as being more efficiently care for due to the organisational collaboration.[14] The difference here is that whereas before an elderly person would be seen separately by the NHS and by private and government-based social services agencies, these organisations now work together to provide all primary care needs in one package. This makes it easier for all involved in the process.[15] It removes the boundaries that have been such an issue for many older people over the decades within the UK welfare system.[16] The problem of course arises when the partnership as a whole is not serving the needs of individuals. Whereas before an individual may be failed by one organisation, now the failure will cover all the services they require. With the health and social services organisations also working with private entities such as insurers, if one area fails then the service package as a whole can fail.[17] The problem is still that the two markets of health and social care are organisationally opposed. The culture within the organisations is geared towards competition rather than cooperation, and this has been extremely hard to overcome.[18] The disciplines have found it hard to build up levels of trust that allow for successful communication and partnership.[19] Despite these problems with policy, there have been cases where policies have established partnerships between health and social services. One of these partnership initiatives is known as ‘Sure Start’. The next section will present a case study of this partnership to evaluate its strengths and weaknesses. Case study of sure start The Sure Start program was created in the ‘early years’ of the New Labour government and looked to help children and families both before and after birth in a holistic and integrated way. This includes provided healthcare and social care for children, as well as providing in-need adults with social care that they can benefit from. The government put a large amount of money into the project from 1998 onwards, and has rolled the program out across the country.[20] The program sees all health and social care service providers work together to benefit parents and children in a wide variety of ways, particularly for vulnerable children and those with learning difficulties. These issues can benefit from an integrated approach that combines different aspects of health and social care in one package.[21] Reports from this program in local areas show that commitment to partnerships and cooperation has been high amongst the staff involved. Those involved in the partnership, whether health and social services staff or parent members, found the experience to be positive and allowed for a more integrated approach to family welfare. Work with families has improved somewhat, although there are still problems. The biggest problem to the effectiveness of the partnership is differing organisational cultures. These cultures mean that health and social services cannot always work effectively together, and that there are also limits on parental involvement. Parents found that the bureaucratic cultures of the organisations meant they were reluctant to participate further in the partnership. Likewise, staff within the different organisations found it hard to work with certain other staff because of differences in organisational culture.[22] In other studies, the results were even poorer. Rutter found that the objective of Sure Start to eliminate child poverty and social exclusion was not being met. The results of National Evaluations of the Sure Start Team were analysed and showed that after 3 years, there was no significant service improvement. In fact, in some areas the service had got worse and had made the situations of families worse.[23] The problem here was that whilst the partnership was working successful in bringing together health and social services, this was not improving the actual services offered on both sides. With only one organisation to now use, the most disadvantaged families were being let down in all areas rather than just in a few areas. It seems that many of the weaknesses of both organisations were combined in the partnership rather than their strengths. Other results show mixed results. One study showed that the partnership had been effective for teenage mothers in improving their parenting, but the actual children of such mothers were in some cases worse off. The problem seems to be not with the concept of the partnership itself, but the actual practical effectiveness of the local organisations involved in the particular partnership and the level of communication and cooperation between different staff.[24] Overall, the project has certainly been a success in developing integrated support networks for children and families throughout the UK. However, the effectiveness of this support network has been hindered in many areas because of different organisational cultures and a lack of adequate management capacity across the disciplines. These cultural problems have also limited the effectives of service user participation in some areas, and this is something that needs to be addressed in the future if these partnerships are to be successful.[25] Conclusion The policies of the New Labour government have tried to overcome the previous problems of drawing together the health and social services into one partnership. These organisations have always been highly separate, and attempts in the 1980’s and early 1990’s to foster cooperation between them often failed because of the differences in the organisations.[26] The issue has been that trying to find a fast and effective solution to the boundaries between health and social care is difficult, although it is attainable in the long-term.[27] The partnerships themselves have actually been quite successful in creating sustainable and integrated local support networks across the UK. However, the effectiveness of these partnerships has been damaged by a number of factors. Firstly, there is still too much competition and a culture of ‘blaming the other organisation’ between health and social services. Both organisations would prefer to absolve themselves of responsibility and compete for success rather than work together to solve the problem together. Although when things go right the partnership can work, when things go wrong both parties look to blame the ‘other side’. This means many users are let down by the partnership with no-one taking responsibility for the failure.[28] Also, there has been too much emphasis on inter-organisational cooperation rather than inter-professional cooperation. Whilst organisations as a whole are difficult to change because of imbedded cultures and management styles, individual professionals can quickly be shown how to work together to both achieve better results for their respective organisations. The government policies should be more focused on getting individuals within different organisations (e.g. doctors and social workers) than looking at combining whole organisations. This gives the user the integrated support they need whilst still allowing the different organisations to concentrate on what they do best.[29] In conclusion, partnerships between the health and social services in the UK can work to improve support for those who need it. However, the focus needs to shift from inter-organisational cooperation to inter-professional cooperation if the partnerships that have been successfully set up are to be effective in the future. Bibliography Anning, A (2005) Investigating the impact of working in multi- agency service delivery setting in the UK on early years practitioners beliefs and practices. Journal of Early Childhood Research, 3(1), pp.19-50 Balloch, S and Taylor, M (2001) Partnership Working: Policy and Practice. Bristol: The Policy Press. Barnes, M, Newman, J and Sullivan, H (2004) Power, participation and political renewal; theoretical and empirical perspectives on public participation under new Labour. Social Politics, 11(2), pp. 267-279. Belsky, J et al (2006) Effects of Sure Start local programmes on children and families: early findings from a quasi-experimental, cross sectional study. BMJ, 332, p. 1476. Brown, L, Tucker, C, and Domokos, T (2003) Evaluating the impact of integrated health and social care teams on older people living in the community. Health and Social Care in the Community, 11(2), pp. 85-94. Carnwell, R and Buchanan, J (2005) Effective Practice in Health and Social Care: A Partnership Approach. Maidenhead: Open University Press. Carpenter, J, Griffin, M and Brown, S (2005) The Impact of Sure Start on Social Services. Durham Centre for Applied Social Research. Available at: http://www.dcsf.gov.uk/research/data/uploadfiles/SSU2005FR015.pdf Carr, S (2004) Has service user participation made a difference to social care services? London: Social Care institute for Excellence. Available at: http://www.scie.org.uk/publications/positionpapers/pp03.asp Clarke, J (2005) New Labours citizens: activated, empowered, responsibilized, abandoned? Critical Social Policy, 25, pp. 447-463. Dowling, B, Powell, M, and Glendinning, C (2004) Conceptualising successful partnership. Health and Social Care in the Community, 12(4), pp. 309-317. DCSF (2008) Sure Start Partnership Work. SureStart Website. Available at: http://www.surestart.gov.uk/stepintolearning/setup/feinvolvement/partnership/ (Accessed 27th December 2008). Gilson, L (2003) Trust and the development of health care as a social institution. Social Science and Medicine, 56(7), pp. 1453-1468. Glasby, J and Peck, E (2004) Care Trusts: Partnership Working in Action. Oxford: Radcliffe Publishing. Glass, N (1999) Sure Start: the development of an early intervention programme for young children in the United Kingdom. Children and Society, 13(4), pp. 257-264. Glendinning, C (2002) Partnerships between health and social services: developing a framework for evaluation. Policy and Politics, 30(1), pp. 115-127. Glendinning, C, Powell, M A and Rummery, K (2002) Partnerships, New Labour and the Governance of Welfare. Bristol: The Policy Press. Ham, C (1997) Health Care Reform: Learning from International Experience. Plenary Session I: Reframing Health Care Policies. Available at: http://www.ha.org.hk/archives/hacon97/contents/26.pdf Hudson, B (1999) Joint commissioning across the primary health care–social care boundary: can it work? Health and Social Care in the Community, 7(5), pp. 358-366. Hudson, B (2002) Interprofessionality in health and social care: the Achilles heel of partnership? Journal of Interprofessional Care, 16(1), pp. 7-17. Leathard, A (1994) Going Inter-professional: Working Together for Health and Welfare. London: Routledge. Leathard, A (2003) Interprofessional Collaboration: From Policy to Practice in Health and Social Care. New York: Routledge. Lewis, J (2001) Older People and the Health–Social Care Boundary in the UK: Half a Century of Hidden Policy Conflict. Social Policy and Administration, 35(4), pp. 343-359. Lymbery, M (2006) Untied we stand? Partnership working in health and social care and the role of social work in services for older people. British Journal of Social Work, 36, pp. 1119-1134. Maddock, S and Morgan, G (1998) Barriers to transformation: Beyond bureaucracy and the market conditions for collaboration in health and social care. International Journal of Public Sector Management, 11(4), pp. 234-251. Martin, V (2002) Managing Projects in Health and Social Care. New York: Routledge. Myers, P, Barnes, J and Brodie, I (2003) Partnership Working in Sure Start Local Programmes Early findings from local programme evaluations. NESS Synthesis Report 1. Available at: http://www.ness.bbk.ac.uk/documents/synthesisReports/23.pdf Newman, J et al (2004) Public participation and collaborative governance. Journal of Social Policy and Society, 33, pp. 203-223. Peck, E, Towell, D and Gulliver, P (2001) The meanings of culture in health and social care: a case study of the combined Trust in Somerset . Journal of Interprofessional Care, 15(4), pp. 319-327. Rummery, K and Coleman, A (2003) Primary health and social care services in the UK: progress towards partnership? Social Science and Medicine, 56(8), pp. 1773-1782. Rutter, M (2006) Is Sure Start an Effective Preventive Intervention? Child and Adolescent Mental Health, 11(3), pp. 135-141. Stanley, N and Manthorpe, J (2004) The Age of Inquiry: Learning and Blaming in Health and Social Care. New York: Routledge. 1 Footnotes [1] Leathard, A (1994) Going Inter-professional: Working Together for Health and Welfare. London: Routledge, pp. 6-9 [2] Lymbery, M (2006) Untied we stand? Partnership working in health and social care and the role of social work in services for older people. British Journal of Social Work, 36, pp. 1128-1131. [3] Glasby, J and Peck, E (2004) Care Trusts: Partnership Working in Action. Oxford: Radcliffe Publishing, pp. 1-2 [4] Anning, A (2005) Investigating the impact of working in multi- agency service delivery setting in the Uk on early years practitioners beliefs and practices. Journal of Early Childhood Research, 3(1), pp.19-21 [5] Barnes, M, Newman, J and Sullivan, H (2004) Power, participation and political renewal; theoretical and empirical perspectives on public participation under new Labour. Social Politics, 11(2), pp. 267-270. [6] Clarke, J (2005) New Labours citizens: activated, empowered, responsibilized, abandoned? Critical Social Policy, 25, pp. 449-453 [7] Dowling, B, Powell, M, and Glendinning, C (2004) Conceptualising successful partnership. Health and Social Care in the Community, 12(4), pp. 309-312. [8] Hudson, B (2002) Interprofessionality in health and social care: the Achilles heel of partnership? Journal of Interprofessional Care, 16(1), pp. 10-14. [9] Rummery, K and Coleman, A (2003) Primary health and social care services in the UK: progress towards partnership? Social Science and Medicine, 56(8), pp. 1777-1780. [10] Glendinning, C (2002) Partnerships between health and social services: developing a framework for evaluation. Policy and Politics, 30(1), pp. 115-117. [11] Carr, S (2004) Has service user participation made a difference to social care services? London: Social Care institute for Excellence. Available at: http://www.scie.org.uk/publications/positionpapers/pp03.asp [12] Newman, J et al (2004) Public participation and collaborative governance. Journal of Social Policy and Society, 33, pp. 217-220. [13] Peck, E, Towell, D and Gulliver, P (2001) The meanings of culture in health and social care: a case study of the combined Trust in Somerset . Journal of Interprofessional Care, 15(4), pp. 323-325. [14] Balloch, S and Taylor, M (2001) Partnership Working: Policy and Practice. Bristol: The Policy Press, pp. 143-145. [15] Leathard, A (2003) Interprofessional Collaboration: From Policy to Practice in Health and Social Care. New York: Routledge, pp. 102-103 [16] Lewis, J (2001) Older People and the Health–Social Care Boundary in the UK: Half a Century of Hidden Policy Conflict. Social Policy and Administration, 35(4), pp. 343-344. [17] Ham, C (1997) Health Care Reform: Learning from International Experience. Plenary Session I: Reframing Health Care Policies. Available at: http://www.ha.org.hk/archives/hacon97/contents/26.pdf, p. 25 [18] Maddock, S and Morgan, G (1998) Barriers to transformation: Beyond bureaucracy and the market conditions for collaboration in health and social care. International Journal of Public Sector Management, 11(4), pp. 234-235. [19] Gilson, L (2003) Trust and the development of health care as a social institution. Social Science and Medicine, 56(7), pp. 1463-1466. [20] Glass, N (1999) Sure Start: the development of an early intervention programme for young children in the United Kingdom. Children and Society, 13(4), pp. 257-259. [21] DCSF (2008) Sure Start Partnership Work. SureStart Website. Available at: http://www.surestart.gov.uk/stepintolearning/setup/feinvolvement/partnership/ (Accessed 27th December 2008). [22] Myers, P, Barnes, J and Brodie, I (2003) Partnership Working in Sure Start Local Programmes Early findings from local programme evaluations. NESS Synthesis Report 1. Available at: http://www.ness.bbk.ac.uk/documents/synthesisReports/23.pdf [23] Rutter, M (2006) Is Sure Start an Effective Preventive Intervention? Child and Adolescent Mental Health, 11(3), pp. 137-140. [24] Belsky, J et al (2006) Effects of Sure Start local programmes on children and families: early findings from a quasi-experimental, cross sectional study. BMJ, 332, p. 1476. [25] Carpenter, J, Griffin, M and Brown, S (2005) The Impact of Sure Start on Social Services. Durham Centre for Applied Social Research. Available at: http://www.dcsf.gov.uk/research/data/uploadfiles/SSU2005FR015.pdf, pp. 44-48 [26] Glendinning, C, Powell, M A and Rummery, K (2002) Partnerships, New Labour and the Governance of Welfare. Bristol: The Policy Press, pp. 34-36 [27] Hudson, B (1999) Joint commissioning across the primary health care–social care boundary: can it work? Health and Social Care in the Community, 7(5), pp. 363-365. [28] Stanley, N and Manthorpe, J (2004) The Age of Inquiry: Learning and Blaming in Health and Social Care. New York: Routledge, pp. 1-5 [29] Martin, V (2002) Managing Projects in Health and Social Care. New York: Routledge, pp. 180-190